What Xi’s China Wants

In short, complexity, paradox, and uncertainty. China’s complex and strategic move, orchestrated and initiated by Xi Jinping and aimed at closing China’s system from the West politically and ideologically while seeking good relations with the United States, is essentially a paradox that comes with no certain resolution. In turn, America’s attempt to retain empire on one hand while retaining a democratic system on the other hand is a complex move that is also paradoxical in nature and it is uncertain as to how long this delicate balancing act can work. It is perhaps impossible to have both empire and democracy at the same time. In order for empire to work, the political elite must disentangle and separate its economic and political goals from the general workings and operations of the society as a whole. This means that it is impossible for empire to last forever. The economic and political goals of the elite can never remain “autonomous” from the overall workings and operations of the whole society forever. 

There is also a basic contradiction between Beijing’s diplomatic tactics on one hand and the basic aim of Chinese diplomacy on the other hand, which is to establish good relations with the United States. In turn, there has been wide-scale and wide-range backlash against China’s tactics in the Western world. But as one Chinese expert wrote:

“For Xi, the backlash validates his approach, proving that rivals fear China’s rise. Despite misgivings that their government may be acting too obnoxiously, many Chinese take pride in seeing their motherland put smaller neighbors in their place, compete with big powers, and as Xi says, ‘look upon the world from an equal footing.’ Chinese officials often emphasize that ‘diplomacy is an extension of internal affairs,’ and therein lies the logic of their often undiplomatic ways. Beijing is stoking and satiating nationalistic fervor, while reshaping the global order in service of Communist Party rule.” 

In a sense, China’s “wolf warrior diplomacy” strategy is a response to the feeling and sentiment in China that China is under attack from the West. Hence, one can attribute China’s nationalistic and imperialistic strategy under Xi Jinping to American foreign policy and the broader plan and whole-of-government policy that was American global hegemony. In a sense, all of it is aimed at garnering the acknowledgement and recognition from the United States that China has achieved peer-power status with the United States. “Containment” of China on one hand and Chinese hegemony over East Asia on the other hand is a recipe for conflict and disaster. But if all of it can be avoided simply by having the United States acknowledge and recognize that China has achieved peer-power status with the United States, then the prevailing international order can be maintained and stabilized. 

To borrow from Graham Allison: “What does President Xi Jinping want? In one line: to ‘Make China Great Again.’” And in order for China to fully aspire and aim towards being great, the United States must get out of China’s way. Stop obstructing and stonewalling China. Allison wrote: 

“As realistic students of history, Chinese leaders recognize that the role the US has played since World War II as the guardian of regional stability and security has been essential to the rise of Asia, including China itself. But they believe that as the tide that brought the US to Asia recedes, America must leave with it. Much as Britain’s role in the Western Hemisphere faded at the beginning of the twentieth century, so must America’s role in Asia as the region’s historic superpower resumes its place. As Xi told a gathering of Eurasian leaders in 2014, ‘In the final analysis, it is for the people of Asia to run the affairs of Asia, solve the problems of Asia and uphold the security of Asia.’”

Back off. Butt out. That is what Xi’s China wants from the United States in a nutshell.